Breathe
By Sandra Romandía
Claudia Sheinbaum's first 100 days as president of Mexico have been a political merry-go-round where external challenges and internal struggles compete for the limelight. Between Donald Trump's threats, the insecurity crisis in Sinaloa, the rising dollar and diplomatic tensions over Venezuela, the president faces an adverse panorama. However, the most revealing aspect is not the external siege, but the fire that is brewing within Morena, a party that, in its apparent strength, exhibits deep fissures.
Power, said Michel Foucault, is not something that is possessed; it is something that is exercised and circulated. This idea seems to resonate strongly in the current dynamics of the country. Sheinbaum not only faces the challenges of governing a polarized Mexico, but also navigates in a sea of internal tensions that evidence the fragility of hegemonic power. Hannah Arendt, for her part, warned that the essence of power is collective action; when this is fractured, the only thing left is violence and coercion. The president seems to be learning this firsthand: in Morena, absolute control has become a battlefield where personal ambitions eclipse the ideals of transformation.
Since Trump's return to the White House, Mexico has been in the crosshairs. Threats of tariffs and mass deportations place Sheinbaum in a delicate diplomatic position. Although she insists on collaboration without subordination, tensions loom like a storm on the horizon. The relationship with Venezuela, on the other hand, adds an uncomfortable nuance. While leftist leaders such as Gabriel Boric or Gustavo Petro openly criticize the regime of Nicolás Maduro, Mexico opts for neutrality, which for some is an elegant form of complicity. The bet on the principle of non-intervention, although consistent with a diplomatic tradition, could cost it dearly in terms of international credibility and, even worse, in the face of a Trump who demands clear alignments.
On the domestic front, insecurity remains a monumental challenge. Sinaloa, with its episodes of exacerbated violence, reminds the administration that the fight against organized crime is a minefield. Statistics showing a slight decrease in intentional homicides are not enough to dispel the sense of danger that permeates several regions of the country. Meanwhile, the rise of the dollar further complicates the economic scenario, affecting the prices of basic goods and putting pressure on an already weakened middle class.
In this context, the political orphanhood of the opposition is remarkable. Recently, on a visit to the Senate, an opposition senator confessed to me with resignation that her only effective weapon is speeches in the tribune. "Our votes are irrelevant," she admitted, aware that Morena's machinery controls the Congress and the presidency with an overwhelming margin. The opposition, more than a counterweight, seems a distant echo, incapable of articulating a strategy that would really bother the government.
But if anything has captured attention in these first hundred days it is not the absence of the opposition, but the infighting within Morena. The disputes between figures such as Adán Augusto López and Ricardo Monreal, fueled by accusations of corruption and personal vendettas, are a symptom of a party that, in its hegemony, is divided into increasingly visible factions. These struggles are joined by figures such as former Supreme Court Justice Arturo Zaldívar, who leads a group with specific interests, and former Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard, who does not forgive that President López Obrador has opted for Sheinbaum as presidential candidate instead of him. These figures, far from supporting the president, represent internal currents with their own agendas that hinder governability.
In addition, Sheinbaum faces another problem: the weakness of her own cabinet. Talking to circles close to the National Palace and the party, it is evident that Claudia has few trustworthy pieces in key positions. Apart from Luz Elena González in the Energy Secretariat, Juan Ramón de la Fuente in Foreign Affairs and Omar García Harfuch in Security, her unconditional supporters are few and far between. Three loyal figures are not enough to navigate the storms ahead, especially when the rest of the cabinet responds to outside dynamics or the interests of Morena's internal factions.
The internal struggle in Morena can be understood as a struggle for the control of Mexico's political future. Michel Foucault explained that power is not a fixed structure, but a web of relationships in constant dispute. In Morena, these disputes are not only ideological; they are also strategic and personal. Some are betting on consolidating the legacy of the 4T, others seek to position themselves for the next six-year term, while the more pragmatic ones only want to secure a place at the table of power.
What is coming is not encouraging. Morena's internal tensions could escalate to become the main obstacle for Sheinbaum's government. An absolute majority in Congress is a double-edged sword: it allows governing without brakes, but also exacerbates internal rivalries. If Sheinbaum fails to contain these fractures, she runs the risk that her administration will be caught in an internecine war that paralyzes its ability to act.
As Machiavelli said, "internal conflicts are inevitable, but a wise leader knows how to use them to strengthen his position". Sheinbaum now faces the toughest test of her leadership: not only to govern a country with multiple crises, but also to hold together a coalition that is reeling under the weight of its own ambitions. In politics, absolute power is never absolute; it is a fragile illusion that can crumble at the slightest oversight.
These one hundred days have been a lesson in realpolitik, where promises of transformation collide with the harsh reality of power. And while the opposition remains absent, Morena wages its own civil war, leaving Sheinbaum in a dangerous position in a party where no one seems willing to give in.
The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the authors and are absolutely independent of the position and editorial line of the company. Opinion 51.
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