The seizure of the capitol in Brazil: how did we get here?

By Patricia González Garza

Polarization is one of the most aberrant realities of contemporary international politics. It is not uncommon for populist rulers to amplify radical discourses that not only impact political dynamics, but also spill over into civil society. This has resulted in a deep division based on ideologies and identities dictated by whoever sets the political agenda, facilitating the mobilization of grassroots supporters at the convenience of political leaders. What happened on January 8 in the Brazilian capital is a perfect example of the effects of populism: thousands of supporters of former president Jair Bolsonaro stormed the Brazilian Congress, the Federal Supreme Court and the presidential palace alleging electoral fraud and illegitimacy of the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Bolsonaristas have been demonstrating since the defeat of their idol to Lula on October 30, 2022: some people set up camps in several Brazilian cities, refusing to accept the results of the electoral race. The protesters demanded military intervention to overthrow Lula's regime, who was inaugurated on January 1, and restore the former president to power. Millions of Brazilians are convinced that the election was fraudulent, despite audits of the electoral system confirming the contrary. These arguments about the illegitimacy of the elections are rooted in Bolsonaro's speeches: the former president claimed that the electoral system should be reformed and publicly questioned the reliability of the country's electronic voting machines, adding that he also refused to acknowledge his defeat.

The collective imaginary of a rigged election in Brazil is the product of years of conspiracy theories and false statements spread and amplified by Jair Bolsonaro and his allies. The former president's political base mobilized quickly: while expressions of discontent emerged from the electoral race, the organization of the riots happened quickly. According to the New York Times, Bolsonaristas planned the attack on the capitol after the presidential inauguration on January 1, resulting in the destruction of government buildings, approximately 1200 people arrested, and at least 12 attacks on journalists covering the event.

Bolsonarista populism

In political science, populism refers to those dualistic political positions that seek to emphasize the difference between "the people" and "the elite". In short, populism is "otherness" at its best: "the others" must be overthrown and we must follow a leader who cares about "us". In contemporary times, a wave of politicians have managed to get and stay in power through populist strategies, amplifying radical discourses and appealing to popular resentment to gain political support regardless of their position on the political spectrum - both left and right can be populist.

In the case of the former Brazilian president, his agenda and trajectory was marked by extreme right-wing populism. Definitely, Bolsonaro's politics are characterized by being highly controversial. Since the beginning of his political career, Bolsonaro has been an icon of national conservatism and a promoter of the hate speech of the extreme right. Victims of his hate speech and intolerance include women, people of African descent, members of the LGBTQ+ community and migrants. In addition to recurring inflammatory statements, during his term in office Bolsonaro vocally opposed environmental protection policies and denied the existence of COVID-19, fueling conspiracy theories pushed by the extreme right.

With what happened on January 8, the international community has not been able to avoid comparing the events in Brazil with the attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021: in both cases, an insurrection of protesters took over government buildings representative of democracy following the electoral defeat of the right-wing populist leader (in the U.S., Donald Trump, and Bolsonaro in Brazil). It is also interesting to understand the importance of the role of information technologies in both attacks, with thousands of people organizing in a matter of days through platforms such as Telegram, WhatsApp and Twitter and achieving effective mobilization to express their sympathy for their leader - and their non-conformity against "the elite".

And now what?

Bolsonaro's policies were widely interpreted as a threat to Brazilian democracy. With the recent attacks carried out by his supporters, it will be difficult for the world to stop associating him with the extreme right and tyranny. While Bolsonaro was in Florida at the time of the insurrection and even spoke out against it via his Twitter account, his responsibility for the attack - albeit indirect - is obvious and regrettable. The response from President Lula and other Brazilian government officials has been clear and firm, and nothing like this will be allowed to happen again. However, it is important to highlight the difficult task facing the Lula government: repairing a deeply divided and polarized nation.

The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the authors and are absolutely independent of the position and editorial line of Opinion 51.

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