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By Luciana Wainer
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If I were to stand, on any given day, in the middle of the busiest street in this capital city and shout: "Naaaaada. Nothing per-so-nal", I would expect someone, at least one person, to respond with the famous chorus: "oh, oh, oh" immortalized by the Argentine band Soda Stereo in 1985. According to Tashi, who was Gustavo Cerati's girlfriend, that chorus was inspired by Charly García. He himself confirmed it in an interview: "People like to sing it", said the malevolent genius with a two-colored mustache and perfect hearing.

Sometimes, politics is reduced to that. A catchy chorus that echoes through the crowds and sways to the beat of the latest song. It should come as no surprise, then, that a man with a strange new hairstyle, calling himself a libertarian and singing to the rhythm of La Renga -another Argentine rock band that continues to attract thousands of souls in the country's stadiums- wins over 30% of the electorate, while assuring that he will end public education, "burn" the Central Bank and put an end to the political "caste".

None of this is true. Let me explain: Javier Milei, the candidate of the La libertad avanza party that positioned itself as the first political force in Argentina after last Sunday's primary elections, is one in the rallies and another, very different, in the interviews. It is logical; that is also what the art of convincing in a campaign is about: sweet promises and forceful slogans , refrains and choruses that the crowds can sing with their hearts in their hands and at the top of their lungs. And who does not want to shout at the traditional political caste that the party is over when six out of ten children live in poverty? How many do not identify with the string of insults that Milei hurls left and right against the government and the opposition alike? How can you not feel that you are being treated as stupid when the Minister of Economy, who saw how annual inflation in 2022 reached 94.8% without being able to do anything, is now the new candidate for President? Even the convinced have their limits. And those limits, generally, have to do with the need for survival.

However, and despite how much the traditional parties deserve the anger and political apathy that reigns in Argentine society, the broth, in this case, may be more expensive than the meatballs. Or the salad than the asado, for that matter. When Milei delves into the proposals, expressed in big headlines, that have led him to be considered an anti-system, the structure of a song without melody blooms. Milei is not anti-system: he is, on the contrary, the very consequence of the system.

Who boasts of wanting to eradicate the political "caste", has been occupying a position as a federal deputy since December 2021 without having integrated any commission or presented a single project of his own. In addition, he was absent in 41 of the 87 votes that took place in the Chamber and voted against in 32 of the 46 in which he was present. Whoever announces that there will be no public education explains, later, that in reality it will be a system of educational vouchers -as if the experience of the basket tickets of the nineties had not been enough of a failure-, which will be used to pay for the school "of one's choice". So, won't public schools disappear? No, Milei answers in several interviews, these, according to his own words, will have to compete with private schools and, thus, the quality of education will improve. Milei does not explain how the vouchers will be financed, of course, nor how he will not increase public spending by maintaining the schools, the personnel and, in addition, the vouchers. Nor does Milei clarify how public schools will be able to compete with private schools, given that there are so many structural and operational inequalities. Milei avoids mentioning what value the voucher will have: will it be enough to pay for the most expensive private school in the city or the same public school for which I have never paid a single peso? But Milei, above all, does not say the most important thing: this plan is impossible to implement from the Executive, since education is in the hands of the provinces.

There is, however, a plan that can be implemented: the restriction of rights. From access to abortion -which has been legal in Argentina since 2020- to the eradication of comprehensive sex education in schools. The candidate repudiated both of them. Even his running mate, Victoria Villarruel, assured, during an interview, that she agreed with the civil union between people of the same sex, but disagreed with the equal marriage law passed in 2010. Apparently, the liberal idea runs out, precisely, when talking about freedoms.

It is true that the ball is still in the court: there are still the general elections of October 22 and a possible second round if none of the candidates obtains 45% of the votes or 40% with a ten-point difference over the second force. But options do not abound.

We will have to see if the choice of the "least bad" -as it is already customary in Argentina-, does not end up with a refrain without a song. The "oh, oh, oh, oh" could only have become one of Soda Stereo's emblematic songs because of Gustavo Cerati's lyrics that accompany it. Otherwise, the chorus would dissolve before the imminent encounter with reality: an example of emotion without communication.

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@lucianawainer_

The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the authors and are absolutely independent of the position and editorial line of Opinion 51.


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