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By Brenda Estefan

Polls showed the ruling party as the winner. Analysts argued that the government's control of the electoral body and the media made an opposition victory unlikely. Moreover, the recent elections had been won by the ruling party and the president, being a very strong figure, this time had been directly involved in the electoral campaigns to support "his candidates". Everything pointed to a triumph for the ruling party. This was not the case. On Sunday afternoon, the world's media began to report the resounding defeat of the party of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in the local elections in his country. The Islamo-conservative AKP party, which over two decades had consolidated its dominance of Turkish politics, lost in the country's main cities: Izmir, Bursa, the capital, Ankara, and the national heartland, Istanbul. Paradoxically, the Turkish president, despite his reelection just ten months ago, suffered the strongest electoral setback of his long political career.

Erdogan personifies the "strongman" figure who undermines democracy and seeks to subjugate it to his will. Throughout his rule, he has undermined press freedom, repressed the opposition and intervened in key state institutions such as the judiciary and the armed forces. However, his defeat in the elections, albeit municipal, suggests that no authoritarian regime is immune to the will of the people.

It is crucial to distinguish between fully dictatorial regimes, such as that of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela or Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, where elections are a farce without any competition, and those considered "illiberal" or "authoritarian", i.e. halfway between democracy and dictatorship, which still allow some room for political maneuver. In the latter, although the democratic struggle has historically been uphill, a well-articulated opposition and copious citizen participation can bring about real change.

The Polish case is illustrative. Last October, defying all polls, the opposition alliance led by former Prime Minister Donald Tusk won a sweeping victory at the polls against the extreme right-wing regime of the Law and Justice Party (PiS), which had been in power for eight years and whose authoritarian drift had weakened the country's democratic institutions. The mobilization of traditionally abstentionist sectors of the population and a historic turnout of 74% in the elections showed the determination of Poles to resist authoritarianism. 

Another significant case is the Gambia, where in 2016 President Yahya Jammeh, in power for more than two decades, was unexpectedly defeated in presidential elections by Adama Barrow, an opposition candidate backed by a coalition of parties. Despite Jammeh's attempts to stay in power, international pressure and the determination of the Gambian people to defend their democracy were instrumental in ending years of authoritarian rule and offering new hope for democracy and respect for human rights in the African country.

Finally, in Malaysia in 2018, the opposition alliance led by veteran Mahathir Mohamad, won a surprise victory against Najib Razak, who was facing accusations of corruption and embezzlement of public funds. Despite his attempts to hold on to power by controlling the media and cracking down on dissent, Razak was met with a population determined to give the opposition a resounding victory.

These examples are a reminder that, even in hostile political environments, the popular will can prevail over the authoritarian machinery of established power. And that a citizenry that participates and votes is crucial to counteract authoritarian tendencies, keep the doors open to political alternation and strengthen democracies that, despite enormous challenges, remain the best instrument for accountability and political course correction around the world.

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The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the authors and are absolutely independent of the position and editorial line of the company. Opinion 51.


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