By Adela Navarro Bello
Unlike his father's campaign, Andrés Manuel López Beltrán's campaign is not a street campaign, nor is it a house-to-house campaign, nor is it a campaign on street corners, in parks, mountains, beaches, towns and public squares across the country. No. The campaign of the man known as Andy, the son of former President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, is in the dark, behind closed doors, with powerful and exclusive places to plot the political-electoral plan and position Morena, the party he inherited from his father, as the political institute with the largest number of members: 10 million followers the junior wants.
In the affiliation campaign currently being carried out by Morena, which is expected to last another year, the participation of the son of former President López Obrador, who is the General Secretary of Morena, stands out over the national leader of that party, former Secretary of the Interior, Luisa María Alcalde. Despite the fact that many of the events are headed by the duo, the most striking thing for those summoned is the presence of the first son of the former national president.
It is known of his political journey throughout the country, due to the photos of him shared on social networks by those who have had the "fortune" to meet with López Beltrán, such as the governor of Sinaloa, Rubén Rocha, who is so eager to get positive attention for himself when that state is going through a narco-war that he has been unable or unwilling to control.
The governors of Morena are among the main clients of the national leadership of that party to lead the affiliation with which they intend to be the political party with more members in the country, and in fact there has been evidence in photographs shared on the pages of political actors via X or Facebook.
Of course, the Senate of the Republic and the Chamber of Deputies are centers of Morenista affiliation; for the party inherited by López Obrador to his son and former collaborator, there is nothing more important after expanding the militancy to ensure electoral triumphs, than to secure votes in the Legislative to win the votes against the weak opposition formed by PAN and PRI (the PRD no longer exists and Movimiento Ciudadano is still suspected of its pro-government tendency, at least by omission).
In his campaign in the dark, Andrés López Beltrán meets with politicians who were once from the opposition, but who in the past accumulated a bad reputation and good economic fortune. Thus, characters such as Miguel Ángel Yunes Márquez, former PAN member, or Alejandro Murat, former PRI member, both of them pointed out in the past by López Obrador as the worst corrupt of the PAN and PRI when they and their families held absolute power in their states, Veracruz and Oaxaca, respectively, have been accredited as Morenistas. But today, they are Morena's strong cadres in the Legislative Branch.
In Baja California, the Morena leadership held an open-air meeting, but in an environment with controlled access. A bullring, one of those that the governments of that party try to neutralize. Junior López had another enclosure in an exclusive country club, to access to which it is necessary to be a member, pay a fee in dollars and be accepted by the "wealthy" class of the city. Indeed, at the Club Campestre de Tijuana, in one of its halls, Andres Lopez Beltran met with those who will help him to affiliate some 300,000 Baja Californians, which is the quota of that State to reach 10 million militants.
Of course, the meeting was behind closed doors at the exclusive country club, where neither ordinary citizens nor members of the press were allowed access. The meeting, or meetings, were held only with whom he agreed, when as party leader and candidate, before he won the Presidency of the Republic in 2018, his father, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, did not visit the Campestre.